When Ojukwu moved too fast recklessly in his ostrich strategy, the same Chief Awolowo led a delegation of Western and some Midwestern leaders to Enugu on 6th May, 1967 and pleaded with Ojukwu not to secede, reminding him that the Western Region was not militarily ready to follow suit in view of the weaknesses of the Western Command of the Nigerian Army and the dominant position of the Northern troops in the West. Accompanying Ojukwu was a small team that included a Professor of History from the University of Ibadan who had fled, like other Easterners, to their beleaguered state. The plan was if the southeast and southwest broke away from the Nigerian federal union, the federal government would not be able to fight a war on two fronts. The Alliance of North and West won a crushing victory under Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, amid claims of widespread electoral fraud. Anezi Okoro, who attended the meeting. The properties the Igbos had left in the northern states could not be reclaimed, their money gone; 20 pounds was given to each that had money in the bank irrespective of the amount had; albeit smaller or larger than the £20.
The war officially ended on the 15 th of January, 1970. So I did everything in this world to assist our Ibo brothers and sisters during and after the war. He met me at the Murtala Mohammed Airport, Lagos and arranged accommodation for my family and me for two days before we departed for Benin. Government will do nothing if we are all silent. But then, Ahmadu Bello contented himself with a regional premiership.
However, the truth of the matter is this: Nigerians are grossly misled about the events that led to the January 1966 coup. And there was a vast civilian population whose food needs were not considered either in the initial promotion of war frenzy or in the course of the war, to be an issue. I consider this important so that those who may wish to dispute their veracity can do so with fuller knowledge of their odyssey. In 1960, Nigeria gained independence from Britain. In reality, therefore, starvation becomes a weapon. The new High Commissioner to Britain happened to be Brigadier Ogundipe who had only just survived the counter coup of July 29, 1966 and had escaped to London. In Casualties, my account in poetry of the Nigerian Civil War, so much misunderstood by my Ibo readers and their friends in quotes, I said at the time that I came so close to the events of 15 January 1966 that I was taken in for interrogation.
All the political parties were primed for it. It casts me, who can make it, in rather un-fanciful light in the sense of putting an onerous responsibility on me to explain how come the manuscripts were not made public when they should have had the implied impact. What had to be done through the law courts, as the Action Group would discover, was very much a charade. Some days after that conversation, Okigbo came to Achebe and told him that Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu had asked him: 'I hear you and Achebe are going to publish Emma's lies? Younger radicals remembered Awolowo's opposition to the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact, his consistent defence of the rule of law, his unflagging pursuit of social welfare policies against the economics of waste which characterized the capitalist road that Nigeria was taking, and the general slowness in responding to the struggle in the rest of Africa to eliminate colonialism and set Africa free. The intelligence that Awolowo himself gathered impressionistically during the Enugu meeting gave him enough reason to believe, as he told his followers thereafter, that the Eastern Region was not prepared for the war it was about to embark upon. All of you know the meaning of that. With Christopher Okigbo, he had accompanied one of the principals Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna across the border, the latter in female disguise.
Muoboghare Why has it taken Achebe this long? Why not, it creates jobs in Ghana, South Africa and elsewhere they have refineries. An Igbo man in Bangui, Central African Republic dialed me on June 22 while Chibuzor Ozor Iyegwu phoned from Dakar, Senegal on September 7. We are back to January 15, 1966. Others related to the personal evaluation of their personal relationships with the Commissioner for Basic Education, his decision making processes were subsumed by the major issues of the strike action. There are reasons to believe that the Citadel encounter was not the first in which Chinua Achebe was rejecting the document.
Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Sir Francis Ibiam, Chiefs Jereton Mariere, C. Therefore, let me make a clean breast of it: my one great rationale for wanting to see the documents 'outed' is to help shore up nation-sense among Nigerians by rupturing the culture of falsehoods and silences that have exercised undue hegemony over the issues. We owe you no apology. When I release my own book which is in the making, many things will come to the fore. Indeed, Nzeogwu's media interviews in the first 48 hours after the coup have remained the benchmark for praising or damning it. Others, instead of helping the people to think through the necessity to get empowerment through education, industry and genuine employment, they are busy reproducing fictions that landed the country in a mess of incivility. He wields his authority within Uwheru.
U Aguiyi-Ironsi and Colonel Francis Adekunle Fajuyi by another set of coup plotters, who sought revenge and also the taming of the Igbos who had been seen as too ambitious for their good. Whatever is done in this state, there are always criticisms. There is this loose talk making the round that when state police is introduced, governors would use it against their opponents. The spirit of Biafra shall continue to hunt all of you that supported the genocide committed against the children of God. The Biafra Civil War And Its End At the orders of the Federal Military Government, the Nigerian federal troops marched in two divisions into Biafra on the 6th of July, 1976. What cannot be established is whether the coup makers ever made an attempt to contact Awolowo in jail. There seemed to be a consensus across the country, and in every political party, that the crisis could only be resolved through violence.
It was supposed to be a provisional payment while sorting those who could still find the papers to prove how much they had in their accounts. Volume Two covers July 1967 to January 1970, that is, between the beginning of hostilities, and when, as testified by the last entry in the volume, General Yakubu Gowon made a Victory broadcast, The Dawn of National Reconciliation, on January 15, 1970. He became the minister of finance and went after the Igbos through his policies. Were the truth known early enough, it could have obviated many of the sad and untoward insinuations, and the grisly events to which they led, before during and since the civil war. It leaves a sneaking feeling that Ojukwu's powers over the Eastern Region, to which all Igbo in the Nigerian diaspora had to return in search of a safe haven, had not yet become so all-pervasive as to be able to countermand a swiftly executed decision by Federal authorities intent on releasing Awolowo from jail.